Grover Cleveland High School, 1965 |
Where did you grow up and where do you now make your home?
I was born in New York, but my parents tired of the weather
early in my life. They had always been explorers and before my second birthday
I had visited California ('course I don't remember the trip). When I was five
they moved to California with a 35-foot trailer. We lived in rural backyards
until they moved to a trailer park. About a year later, my mother, my younger
sister, and I flew to New York for my mother to clean up the mess that renters
had done to the NY house and sell it. About six months later my father drove to
NY and picked us up. I grew up in the San Fernando Valley, which is in Los
Angeles. I currently live in North Hollywood, which is a town in Los Angeles.
What brought on your interest in the Indian Wars?
Seeing Errol Flynn play George Armstrong Custer in They
Died with Their Boots On (Warner Bros., 1941) introduced me to Custer and
the Indian wars.*
The first book I read was Margaret Leighton's The Story of
General Custer, the 1954 young readers book that I still have. In high
school I began to purchase and read books about Custer. At that time in Los
Angeles you could buy almost every Custer book then in print at great prices
(Jay Monaghan's Custer; Edgar Stewart's Custer's Luck; and
Custer's My Life on the Plains, the OU Press 1962 edition; to name a few).
I gobbled up these books.
* To get an idea of the film and how it compares the
fictional Custer to the real Custer, see the following talk: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dJssu1GJa54.
BTW, a number of Little Bighorn battle participants were still alive 1941 and
Warner Bros. feared being sued; the studio changed names and eliminated facts
to avoid a lawsuit.
In 1973 |
Near the end of my college years the American Indian
Movement (AIM) chose Custer to represent all the evils of American expansion as
his name was the most recognizable white name of the Indian wars and made him
their poster boy. Add the Vietnam War and Tomas Berger’s 1970 novel, Little Big Man, which presented Custer as
a genocidal maniac, and the transformation that had begun with Van de Water's
book was complete. George Armstrong Custer had transformed from an American
hero into a butcher who craved Indian blood. Nothing else.
A harsh
reality ...
I
didn't buy into the crap and trash my Custer books. Instead I boxed them up and
exiled them to a closet.
Years
passed, and in the late 1970s I visited friends in Mesa, Arizona. At that time
Mesa was little more than a dusty town on the outskirts of nowhere, and it was
a fair drive to Phoenix. During the trip I discovered Guidon Books in Old
Scottsdale (east of, but closer to, Phoenix), and was blown away with this
Civil War and Western Americana bookshop. At that time the store had a shelf
that was easily three by eight feet and it housed only books about Custer. How could so many people write books about
someone who was little more than a butcher? That’s right. The accusations still
hung heavily with me. Luckily curiosity won the day. I bought a few books.
Before returning home I bought a few more. I read them. I then pardoned my
original books and reread them.
Custer
and the Plains Indian wars had captured my interest a second time.
With Jeff Richards (right) in a scene from the 1981-1982 tour of "The Prince and the Pauper" |
Finally
my answer: Errol Flynn’s Custer, Custer himself, which in turn opened up to the
Cheyenne Indians and my unplanned discovery of Edward W. Wynkoop. This string
of people set me on a course to write about the Indian wars.
What was your first subject in writing about the wars?
I don't
write letters to the editor unless requested, and then with a growl (sabers
with deadly intent or revolvers at 10 paces are a much better solution to
bullshit). However, back in the dark ages, 1984 or 1985, I read a story in a
British history magazine that dealt with Custer (and featured the dreadful 1967
Robert Shaw film, Custer of the West) and the content of the article was
pure crap. I wrote the editor and told him that I wasn't writing a letter for
publication but was pitching him on a Custer article. He liked the query and gave
the go-ahead. Unfortunately before the accepted article saw print the magazine
folded (1985, 1986?). The article eventually saw print as "The Real Custer"
in the December 1988 issue of Research
Review. But it wasn't my first Indian wars story to see print for pay. Two Wynkoop
articles saw print first (June 1987 Research
Review and October 1988 Wild West).
Tell us about your first rejection letter.
Early
on I had a lot of rejection letters, and most were for fiction or screenplays. Just
about all had been form letters or postcards, and had said something like: “Thank
you for submitting your story (or query) but it isn't right for our editorial
needs” or “This isn't a film story we are interested in producing.” None of
them had constructive comments and all have long been trashed.
There
is one rejection that I will never forget. About 1993 I verbally pitched a
nonfiction book on Ned Wynkoop to John Joerschke, then editor of True West,
which was then thinking about expanding into printing books, while we hung out
together at a Western Writers of America convention. After I shared what I knew
about Wynkoop's Indian experience it went something like this:
Joerschke:
"How many Indians did he kill?"
Kraft:
"None."
Joerschke:
"Did he go out in a blaze of glory?"
Kraft:
"No."
Joerschke:
"I'm sorry but your story isn't sellable."
Now tell us about your greatest success.
Bringing
Edward W. Wynkoop to life.
I
discovered Wynkoop, whose friends called him “Ned,” while researching a novel
that I planned to write in the 1980s with the villain being an Indian agent on
the take. Wynkoop didn’t fit the bill and the manuscript was never written. To
that point in time almost everything, but not all, written about him focused on
his participation in what has come to be known as the “Sand Creek Massacre,”
but there was much more to the man than just his attempt to end an Indian war
without orders.
Like
many whites that migrated to the frontier, Wynkoop harbored the typical
prejudices—mainly that Indians were less than human.
A 2012 photo shoot with friend Glen Williams to capture images that could be used for future book dust jackets |
Soon
after Wynkoop was removed from command of Fort Lyon for being absent from his
post in time of war and ordered to Kansas, where he expected to face a court
martial. On November 29, 1864, Col. John Chivington with a combined force of 1st
and 3rd Colorado Volunteers attacked and destroyed a joint Cheyenne-Arapaho
village on Sand Creek, Colorado Territory. When Wynkoop learned of how these
people died, people he had guaranteed safety, and worse had thought that they
were under the protection of the U.S. government, he was outraged. The butchery
and the sexual degradation of the bodies added to his anger and he lashed out
against the attack. This turned him into perhaps the most hated white man in
Colorado Territory.
Even
though exonerated and ordered to resume command of Fort Lyon in December 1864
(he reached the fort in mid-January 1865), Wynkoop wanted nothing more to do
with Indians. He was certain that the Cheyennes blamed him for Sand Creek and that
he had a target on his back. In fall 1865, brevet Lt. Col. Wynkoop commanded
the military escort for peace commissioners that met with Cheyennes and
Arapahos on the Little Arkansas River in Kansas. Not many chiefs attended, and
certainly none who stood firmly for keeping their freedom, such as Stone
Forehead (other names include Rock Forehead, Medicine Arrows, and so on), the
keeper of the Cheyenne Medicine (Sacred) Arrows, and Dog Man chiefs Bull Bear
and Tall Bull. Wynkoop was surprised when Black Kettle told him that he didn’t
blame him for what happened at Sand Creek. Cheyenne and Arapaho leaders asked
that Wynkoop be named their agent. It was on the Little Arkansas that Wynkoop accepted
Indians as human beings.
By late
1865 Wynkoop was placed on detached duty from the military to work for the
Interior Department and in 1866 met with Cheyennes that avoided the Little
Arkansas peace council. In summer 1866 he resigned from the military and
applied to become a U.S. Indian agent. He served as a special agent for the
Interior Department while waiting for President Andrew Johnson to confirm the
appointment, which happened in fall 1866.
Beginning
with the end of 1865 and until he resigned his commission as U.S. Indian agent
in protest to the 1868 Cheyenne war on November 29, 1868, he worked for the
betterment of his wards—the Cheyennes and Arapahos (and to a lesser degree, the
Plains, or Kiowa, Apaches). This meant standing up for what he felt right
(including trying to save the deserted Cheyenne-Dog Man-Lakota village on the
Pawnee Fork in Kansas in April 1867 from destruction by Maj. Gen. Winfield
Hancock), which in turn generated an outburst of protest from the frontier
press and the military. In 1869 Wynkoop applied to become superintendent of
Indian Affairs, a position he was qualified to perform, but Wynkoop’s stand
that innocent people should not be punished for the acts of the guilty was not
a popular view. Add that Wynkoop damned the attack on Black Kettle’s Washita
village in Indian Territory by the 7th U.S. Cavalry on November 27, 1868, as he
felt the wrong people had been punished for the August 1868 raids in Kansas,
and moreover he had convincing information provided by scouts that participated
in the attack on the number and type of people killed in the attack.
Continuing,
Wynkoop summarized Custer’s victory: “I do not know whether the government
desires to look at this affair in a humane
light or not, and if it only desires to know whether it was right or wrong … I must emphatically pronounce it wrong and disgraceful.” (Wynkoop
to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, N. G. Taylor, January 26, 1869. The emphasis
is in the letter. NA RG75, M234, Roll 880.)
Ulysses
S. Grant, who had just become president of the United States, rejected
Wynkoop’s application to become superintendent of Indian Affairs. Needing to
support his family Wynkoop returned to his homeland, Pennsylvania, and drifted
into obscurity, … and a mostly forgotten player in the 1860s Cheyenne Indian
wars. Years later the mixed-blood Cheyenne George Bent called Wynkoop “the best
friend [the] Cheyennes and Arapahos ever had.” (George Bent to Joseph Thoburn,
September 28, 1910, Thoburn Papers, Oklahoma Historical Society.)
My
success? By using articles, talks, plays, a novel (The Final Showdown, 1992), and a nonfiction book (Ned Wynkoop and the Lonely Road from Sand
Creek, OU Press, 2011), I have brought Wynkoop out of the mists of time and
have made his story available for people who may want to at least know who he
was and what he attempted to do. (The following two talks will give you an idea
of who Wynkoop was: “Ned Wynkoop’s Gamble to End War”: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R3zBMYkCQKs, and “Ned Wynkoop Lashes Out
Against the Murder of Cheyennes”: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MLKWuoggHWk.)
What event in the Indian Wars holds the most intrigue for you and why?
Other than Wynkoop’s
negotiations with Indians, sometimes with life hanging in the balance, two
other meetings with Indians always capture my interest and intrigue:
·
Lt.
Col. George Armstrong Custer’s meeting with Stone Forehead, the Cheyenne mystic
and keeper of the medicine arrows, on the Texas Panhandle in March 1869.
·
Lt.
Charles Gatewood’s meeting with Geronimo, Naiche, and the remnants of the
warring Chiricahua Apaches in Sonora, Mexico, in August 1886.
Both of
the above meetings, in my humble opinion, are the highlight of both of these
fine officers’ Indian wars years. Both were at risk of dying. Both needed to
convince the warring Indians to give up the war trail. Custer had two armies
under his command, and many soldiers, especially the volunteers, wanted nothing
more than to kill Cheyennes. While holding his command under control, Custer
also pulled off receiving two white women prisoners without bloodshed. BTW, I
believe Custer came alive when negotiating with Indians (see Custer and the Cheyenne, Upton and Sons,
Publishers, 1995, for more information). … Gatewood’s assignment to bring the
Apaches back to the United States put his life at risk from day 1. He had to
deal with the weather and elements (as did Custer), but his health was poor.
Gatewood had to deal with U.S. soldiers that wanted to kill the Apaches, he had
to dupe a Mexican prefect, convince the Apaches to surrender, and then get them
back to the U.S. before Mexicans or Americans killed them.
Oh yes,
I love it when two sides are at war, don’t speak the same language, and yet are
able to bring about the end of hostilities without violence.
Since
I’ve already talked about Custer, I’m going with Gatewood for this question.
Charles Gatewood (6th
U.S. Cavalry), a commander of Apache scouts, was a special person when
talking about a white man walking between the races but who did not marry into
the tribes he worked with and knew, as he, like Wynkoop, originally harbored
racist thoughts but was able to overcome them and accept the Indians he worked
with as human beings. His feat to get the warring Chiricahua Apaches back to
the United States where they surrendered for the last time was extraordinary.
(For more about the Gatewood/Geronimo story, see Gatewood & Geronimo, University of New Mexico Press, 2000.)
Gatewood
saw his career basically come to an end in 1884, when, as commandant of the
White Mountain Indian Reservation headquartered at Fort Apache, Arizona
Territory, he arrested a territorial judge named Francis Zuck. His commander,
Gen. George Crook, demanded he drop the charges of defrauding his wards, the
White Mountain Apaches. Gatewood refused. The judge’s case was dropped, as he
should have been in his own district holding court. Zuck immediately arrested
Gatewood on felonious false arrest. Even though Crook turned his back on
Gatewood, the lieutenant’s trial was also thrown out, as the U.S. had no
jurisdiction over what happened on an Indian reservation.
By
1886, and after Crook messed up the surrender talks with the Chiricahuas at Cañon
de los Embudos, Sonora, Mexico, when he threatened Geronimo and then left for
the U.S. without completing the task of getting the Apaches across the
international border, Gatewood was an exile in New Mexico Territory and out of
the war. Enter Gen. Nelson Miles (4th U.S. Cavalry), who replaced Crook and dismissed
his policy of using Indians to hunt Indians. Months passed, and Miles’s 5,000
troops guarding the international border and hunting the Apaches in Mexico was
costing a lot of money with miniscule results. Miles had no intention of
failing and summoned the exile Gatewood to his office in Albuquerque, New
Mexico Territory. He ordered Gatewood to find Geronimo in Mexico and demand his
surrender. Gatewood refused, as he felt the mission was suicidal. Miles refused
to accept a “no” answer and offered to make Gatewood his aid-de-camp upon
successful completion of the mission. Gatewood liked this and accepted the
assignment. Gatewood refused a military escort. Instead he took the following men
with him: Martine, a Nednhi Apache;
Kayitah (who was either a Nednhi or a Chokonen Apache), both of whom were
related to members of the warring band; George Wratten, who was fluent in the
Apache dialects; and packer Frank Huston.*
* A quick side story: Geronimo: An American Legend (Columbia Pictures, 1993) claims that it is
close to truth. Double damn that word “hokum” mentioned above; only now triple it. This film, which actually provides a few decent
performances (Wes Studi as Geronimo, even though he was perhaps 25-30 years too
young to play the war leader; Kevin Tighe as Gen. Nelson Miles; and Gene
Hackman as Gen. George Crook), has grandeur and scope and great photography,
but the screenwriters and director couldn’t figure out the focus of the story.
I’m not sure about Jason Patric’s performance as Gatewood (I like some of what
he does but not close to all). Bob Duvall, who I like and spent perhaps four
months working with in 1980 and who I think is a great actor, misses big time
as Al Sieber. A few quick errors will give you an idea: Gatewood and Geronimo
never held off a posse (great scene), Geronimo wasn’t at Cibecue, Gatewood
didn’t survive a shootout in a cantina (my favorite scene in the film), none of
the people that accompanied Gatewood to find Geronimo in 1886 are in the film,
and the Gatewood/Geronimo/Naiche meeting took place by the Rio Bavispe and not on a mountain top (and no, Gatewood
wasn’t hit by an Apache at that meeting). The number of errors would take pages
to list.
Over
the course of a month and a half Gatewood was so ill at times that often he couldn’t
ride or travel. Geronimo’s trail, which he was supposed to be shown, didn’t
exist, and he floundered through Chihuahua and Sonora until he finally found
Capt. Henry Lawton (4th U.S. Cavalry) on the Río Aros (Lawton commanded Miles’s
leading command in Mexico). Lawton wasn’t pleased to see Gatewood, told him
that he intended to kill Geronimo, but eventually allowed him to join his
command. Under blazing heat Lawton and his men meandered first one way, then
another, and sometimes only traveled two miles a day. He found nothing.
Without
warning Lawton and Gatewood learned that Geronimo had surfaced at the Quichula
Ranchero, south of Fronteras, Sonora. More important, they heard that Apache
women had met with Jesus Aguirre, the prefect of Arispe, who controlled the
Sonoran district of Arispe (including the pueblo of Fronteras), to open
negotiations for peace.
Gatewood,
who put his health problems behind him, took Kayitah, Martine, Wratten, Huston,
another packer, and six of Lawton’s men and force-marched northward. When he
met Aguirre, the prefect made it clear that he intended to get the Apaches
drunk and murder them. He demanded that Gatewood leave the area. Gatewood
feigned that he would do as told. However, days later, when he moved southward,
after dark, he and his command, which now included two additional interpreters,
vanished into the mountains and reversed their course. They found the Apache
women’s trail and it led them to the vicinity of Geronimo and Naiche’s
stronghold in the Teres Mountains at the big bend of Río Bavispe. BTW, Geronimo
and Naiche were interested in securing supplies, alcohol, and a time to rest;
they had no intention of surrendering to Aguirre.
The
next day Gatewood, Martine (Kayitah had spent the night in the Apache
stronghold), Wratten, Huston, the two additional interpreters, and perhaps one
soldier reached the meeting location near the river that three warriors had led
them to but there were no Chiricahuas present. Soon heavily armed warriors
moved down the mount, vanished, only to explode out of the brush. Gatewood
found himself surrounded, but with no Geronimo or Naiche. He passed out the
makings for smokes and everyone lighted up. As Gatewood knew the warriors, the
talk remained friendly.
Geronimo
walked in from the brush, set his rifle down and sat down next to Gatewood. Too
close: His revolver rubbed against the unarmed Gatewood’s midriff. Naiche
appeared, and it was time to present Miles’s demand. Gatewood described the
moment: “[G]entle reader, turn back, take another look at [Geronimo’s]
face, imagine him looking me square in the eyes & watching my every
movement, twenty-four bucks sitting around fully armed, my small party
scattered in their various duties incident to a peace commissioner’s camp,
& say if you can blame me for feeling chilly twitching movements.” (Gatewood manuscript
chapter draft, “On the Surrender of Geronimo I,” Gatewood Collection, Arizona
Historical Society, Tucson, 25; the second of two page 25s in the document.)
The
time had arrived and Gatewood delivered Miles’s demand to surrender.
Silence.
Geronimo rubbed his face, his eyes, and then, while holding
his shaking hands before Gatewood, said: “We have been on a three days’ drunk,
... The Mexicans expected to play their usual trick of getting us drunk &
killing us, but we have had the fun; & now I feel a little shaky.” (Gatewood,
“On the Surrender of Geronimo I,” Gatewood Collection, 26-27) After a pause,
Geronimo exploded: “[W]e can’t surrender. … [We do] not want to go to Florida.
… [We want] to go back to the White M[oun]t[ain]s the same as before.”
(Gatewood to Georgia Gatewood, August 26, 1886, Gatewood Collection. The
meeting took place on August 25.)
And this was just the beginning of the negotiations.
Gatewood’s words won and the following morning Geronimo
agreed to return to the U.S., pending demands, including Gatewood traveling
with and sleeping with the Chiricahuas, while Lawton’s command followed and
protected them from Americans and Mexicans.
The trip back to the U.S. again fell upon Gatewood’s
shoulders. He talked Geronimo into meeting with the prefect, who had appeared
with his army and insisted that the Apaches surrender to him. The meeting
almost turned into a shootout between Aguirre and Geronimo (with an unarmed Gatewood
a little too close for comfort). … And finally Gatewood standing up to, and
threatening to shoot, U.S. officers if they continued to insist upon a meeting
that he knew intended to disarm the Apaches or kill them if they didn’t
surrender their weapons.
Like Wynkoop, Gatewood had guts and it cost him big time.
(To learn a little more about Gatewood and Geronimo’s
meeting without reading anything, see the following talk: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F3AaI2l8J6I.)
Who would you want to meet from the wars, and why?
I could easily create a top-10 list of players that would
fluctuate in order depending upon my mood and projects, but Chiricahua Apache war
leader and mystic Geronimo, and Ned Wynkoop would always be at the top of the
list.
Geronimo: In 1850
Bedonkohe Chiricahua Apache Geronimo’s mother, first wife, and young children
were killed in Janos, Mexico, when their village was attacked and he wasn’t
present. This set him on course to becoming the most-feared Indian in two
countries. Over the coming years more wives and family members would be killed
or captured to simply disappear from history. Geronimo, who was never a chief,
and portions of the various bands of the Chiricahuas (Chokonen, Bedonkohe,
Nednhi, and Chihenne), struggled to remain free, struggled to retain the land north
of the international border in what the United States now considered theirs
(not to mention what they considered their land in Mexico). But more was a
stake: The loss of their religion, their language, their culture, their
lifeway, their families and loved ones (who would be separated from them).
Naiche, the last hereditary Chiricahua (Chokonen) chieftain, when asked why he,
Geronimo, and the Apaches with them killed, answered: “It was war. Anybody who saw us would kill us, and we did
the same thing. We had to if we wanted to live.” (See the notes from
Gen. George Crook’s visit to the Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama, January 2,
1890, Sen. Exe. Doc. 35, 51st Cong. 1st sess., 33, for the quote.) Dustinn Craig, a White Mountain Apache filmmaker
and director, told me that many Apaches today blame Geronimo for what has
happened to the Apache people. Maybe. However, let me say this: If the United
States was invaded by a more powerful enemy and systematically devastated and
conquered as people were eliminated, removed, told not to speak their language
or worship their God, and separated from loved ones, with the final goal being
the destruction of a lifeway and culture, … I know what I would do.
Yes, I would like to walk with and know Geronimo.
Ned Wynkoop: Although
Gatewood is worthy of spending time with, it is Wynkoop that I would like to
hang out with and know personally. Reason: Gatewood was a West Point graduate
and military man while Wynkoop wasn’t. Wynkoop was a rebel, who learned how to
survive by the seat of his pants early on. He was educated and literate and
well versed in the arts, which in turn gave him a mind to decide what he considered
right. Often he disagreed with people, including the frontier population, the press,
the military, the Interior Department, and the Indians he worked with. This often
put his life at risk during the 1860s, and it certainly made him a hated white
man on the frontier after he spoke out against the 1864 Sand Creek attack. This
took guts and courage, more guts and courage than I have. Wynkoop was good with
weapons in a violent time, and yet to my knowledge he killed no one. Moreover,
his outrage over Sand Creek did not coincide with him accepting Indians as
human beings for he felt that the Cheyennes and Arapahos blamed him for Sand
Creek. He didn’t put his racism to rest until fall 1865 when he learned that
the Indians didn’t blame him for the disaster and moreover wanted him to be
their agent.
Wynkoop knew all the key players from both sides during the
1860s Cheyenne wars and he allowed his conscience dictate his views and
actions. You can bet that I would like to spend time with him.
Who are some of your favorite people in the Indian wars community today?
My
favorite people fall into two categories: Friends I share information with and
hang out with whenever we are in the same location, and friends who are
business associates that I also hang out with whenever possible. I maintain
ongoing contact with them via phone or email or social media.
The
list is alphabetical: Durwood Ball (writer/historian & editor of New Mexico Historical Review), Deb
Goodrich Bisel (writer/historian), Johnny Boggs (novelist extraordinaire &
editor of the Western Writers of America magazine, The Roundup), George
Elmore (chief historian, Fort Larned, Ks.), Tom Eubanks (director of my Indian
wars plays), Jerry Greene (writer/historian), Layton Hooper (writer/historian
& Order of the Indian Wars), Tomas Jaehn (curator, Fray Angélico
Chávez History Library, History Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe), Henrietta Mann (professor
extraordinaire and founding president of the Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribal
College, Weatherford, Okla.); Gary McCarthy (novelist), Mike Koury (The Old
Army Press & Order of the Indian Wars), Greg Lalire (editor, Wild West),
John Monnett (writer/historian), Eric Niderost (writer/historian), Leo Oliva
(writer/historian), Chuck Rankin (editor-in-chief, OU Press), Minoma Littlehawk
Sills (my Cheyenne word expert), and Dick & Frankie Upton (Upton and Sons,
Publishers).
What are your favorite books from the Indian wars?
This
really isn't a good question for me, for I consider favorite books, books that
I read again and again. I write plays, nonfiction, and will soon return to
Indian wars fiction. That said, most of my reading deals with what I write
about. Once read, and since the books had been read as research material they
never get read cover-to-cover again. This doesn't mean that these books aren't
opened and studied and used over and over again for they are.
In a
recent short article for Wild West I
listed five books that impacted my writing. I think this gives them credibility
as being favorite books, but alas, I don’t know if they are. I prefer primary
source books. That said, and I did list Custer’s My Life on the Plains (various editions; my favorite of the
printings I have is the OU Press edition listed above) and Charles Gatewood’s
edited manuscript in Lt. Charles Gatewood
and His Apache Wars Memoir (University of Nebraska Press, 2005) in the Wild West article. Custer’s book has got
to me my number one favorite nonfiction Indian wars book for two reasons: It
has been a major influence in my life, and I think it is a damn good read (and
I don’t give bleep what Capt. Frederick Benteen, 7th U.S. Cavalry, thought of
it). Two of the other books in the WW
article—Stan Hoig’s The Peace Chiefs of
the Cheyennes (OU Press, 1980), and Eve Ball’s (with Nora Henn and Lynda
Sanchez) An Apache Odyssey: Indeh (1980),
and by the way this is the title on the first edition of the book, and I know
as I have the book—have also played big roles in my writing life. “Indeh” means
the dead.
By the
way, don’t trust the printed book of Wynkoop’s first rough and incomplete attempt
to write a memoir, which has been published as his autobiography (Christopher
B. Gerboth, ed., The Tall Chief: The
Autobiography of Edward W. Wynkoop, 1994). I haven’t read the supposed
transcript of Wynkoop’s words in the book (which I hope was taken from
Wynkoop’s hand and at least one other’s hand and not the old typescript that is
readily available at what is now History Colorado), but this isn’t my problem
with the book. My problem is with the editor’s multitude of errors in his text. Two only need be pointed out
to get my point across. On at least two occasions Custer attacked Black
Kettle’s Cheyenne village on the Washita River on November 29, 1868, and on at
least one occasion Wynkoop resigned as U.S. Indian agent on November 27, 1868.
Switch the dates and they’ll be correct. I’m sorry but these are major errors
and should not have been made.
Two
compilations should also be mentioned. Both volumes were pieced together by the
late John M. Carroll, and they include key government documents from the
investigations of the 1864 attack on the Cheyenne-Arapaho village on Sand
Creek, Colorado Territory, and the events that led up to and the attack on
Black Kettle’s Cheyenne village on the Washita River by Custer and the 7th U.S.
Cavalry on November 27, 1868. If you can’t obtain primary-source printings of
these documents, Carroll’s books are a goldmine. I have checked text in Mr.
Carroll’s volumes and have yet to see a discrepancy. They are: The Sand Creek Massacre: A Documentary
History (Sol Lewis, 1973) and General
Custer and the Battle of the Washita: The Federal View (Guidon Press,
1978). BTW, I have Carroll’s compilation of the Little Bighorn documents but
haven’t read it, as I have no intention of writing about Custer’s demise as a multitude
of authors have done an admirable job of documenting the battle.
Sometimes
fiction captures the reality of nonfiction while fleshing out historical people
and events. Such a book is Frederick J. Chiaventone’s A Road We Do Not Know: A Novel of Custer at Little Bighorn (1996),
which I thought was an exceptional read (although I have only read it once).
Perhaps my favorite novel dealing with Indians and whites in the nineteenth
century is Kill the Indian: A
Killstraight Story by Johnny D. Boggs (2012). Comanche Daniel Killstraight,
a member of the reservation police force, joins Comanche Chief Quanah Parker’s
delegation as it travels off the rez to negotiate a grasslands lease of Indian
land to whites in this fast-paced story that deals with racial prejudice and
murder. Boggs is a master of time and place, character, dialogue, and action.
This is perhaps one of the best novels I have ever read in all genres. This
brings me to Douglas C. Jones, unfortunately long gone. He had penned a
nonfiction book, The Treaty at Medicine
Lodge (OU Press, 1966), which used newspaper articles to bring the 1867 Kansas
peace council to life, and it is a book that I have referenced time and again
(it was the fifth book in the WW
article). However, soon after it was published he turned to fiction and to my
knowledge never returned to nonfiction. Some of his novels are classics; my
favorite is Gone the Dreams and Dancing
(1984), which focuses on Comanche Chief Quanah Parker, a white ex-Confederate soldier,
and the Comanches’ struggle to adjust to the loss of freedom and their life on
the reservation.
The
question asked for favorite books. It did not ask for favorite authors. Boggs
and Jones are favorite novelists. I’ll give you a nonfiction-Indian wars
author, an exceptional writer/historian who has consistently combined terrific
research with page-turning prose—Bob Utley. I also think Eve Ball’s Apache
writing should again be pointed out (as I have not seen any detailed proof as
to why her work should be viewed with skepticism).
Do you have advice for those who write and who want to be published?
First
and foremost don't give up! Just because one editor doesn't like your query or
story submission doesn't mean that the next editor won't like it.
In a
perfect world when you receive a rejection, constructive criticism will
accompany it. When this happens take a long and hard look at the criticism. If
it is valid, use it. If it is not valid, trash it.
Finally
get to know the editors of the publications you want to print your writing. There's
all sorts of ways to do this, including enlisting a friend who knows or writes
for a specific editor to make the introduction. But you need to do more than
this; you need to make the effort, when possible, to meet the editors that
might print your work. Two organizations present this type of opportunity for
you to meet editors that might be interested in your Indian wars manuscripts on
a yearly basis: Western History Association (WHA) and Western Writers of
America (WWA). My advice: Get off your ass and attend some of their
conventions. The editors appear and are readily available, and it is up to you
to make the connection. The WHA mostly features university presses (and some do
print fiction), the National Archives used to attend (don't know if they still
do), and other editors are also present (but none from NY). I have seen True
West in attendance (but since I haven't attended in a while, I don't know
if the True West editor still appears). WWA has a fairly even split
between university press editors and small fiction editors, and regional
presses. A big plus here is that if you want to sell magazine articles, both True
West and Wild West editors attend.
When editors
know your first name, know what you want to write about, they are more apt to consider
your pitches or submitted polished articles and/or manuscripts.
BTW,
when you pitch, know what the editors are looking for and don't wing what you're
selling.
Like
they say, “All’s fair in love and war.” Do what you have to do to get your
query read, your pitch listened to, and your manuscripts read. There are no set
rules and there’s no set trail to success. The bottom line is hard work and
persistence (and I hate to say it, but sometimes luck). Also, as a terrific western
novelist named Gordon D. Shirreffs once told me: “Don’t quit your day job.”